災(zāi)難的時(shí)代：諾曼人、塞爾柱人和曼齊刻爾特之戰(zhàn)（1071年）

? ? ? ? ? 無論軍事勝利在獲得的那一刻是多么的榮耀，它都很少是持久的。1071年，諾曼人實(shí)現(xiàn)了將拜占庭人趕出意大利南部的野心。同年，在帝國(guó)的另一端，災(zāi)難以可怕的塞爾柱土耳其人的形式襲來。塞爾柱人在與他們的死敵埃及法蒂瑪王朝的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中，暫停了進(jìn)攻安納托利亞東部和亞美尼亞。由于多年來的財(cái)政疏忽，拜占庭軍隊(duì)無法組建足夠的防御力量，導(dǎo)致軍區(qū)系統(tǒng)幾乎崩潰，民間內(nèi)訌，而保加利亞人又發(fā)起了試圖重新獲得獨(dú)立的反擊。拜占庭皇帝羅曼努斯四世·戴奧真尼斯（1068-71）被他的部隊(duì)背叛，在安納托利亞東部的曼齊刻爾特戰(zhàn)役中被塞爾柱統(tǒng)治者阿爾普·阿爾斯蘭俘虜。獲釋后，羅曼努斯四世發(fā)現(xiàn)他的敵人密謀將他的對(duì)手米海爾七世·杜卡斯（1067-78）推上王位。米海爾違背了羅曼努斯四世和阿爾普·阿爾斯蘭之間的協(xié)議，在1073年帝國(guó)陷入內(nèi)戰(zhàn)的時(shí)候派兵進(jìn)入安納托利亞，從而注定了拜占庭的命運(yùn)。塞爾柱人摧毀了拜占庭軍隊(duì)，并確保了他們對(duì)拜占庭帝國(guó)在小亞細(xì)亞的農(nóng)業(yè)糧倉(cāng)的控制。

However tremendous military victories might seem at the moment of their gain, they are seldom enduring. The Normans fulfilled their ambitions to oust the Byzantines from southern Italy in 1071. In the same year and at the opposite end of the empire, disaster struck in the form of the awesome Seljuk Turks. The Seljuks had paused in their wars with their archenemy the Fatimids of Egypt to attack eastern Anatolia and Armenia. The Byzantine forces were unable to muster an adequate defense because of years of financial neglect, leading to the virtual collapse of the theme system, civil infighting, and the simultaneous attack launched by the Bulgarians in an attempt to regain their independence. The Byzantine emperor Romanus IV Diogenes (r. 1068–71) was betrayed by his troops and captured by the Seljuk ruler Arp Arslan at the fateful Battle of Manzikert in eastern Anatolia. Upon his release, Romanus IV found that his enemies had conspired to place his rival Michael VII Doukas (r. 1067–78) on the throne. Michael sealed the fate of Byzantium by reneging on the agreement between Romanus IV and Arp Arslan and sending his troops into Anatolia in 1073 at a time when the empire was spiraling into civil war. The Seljuks destroyed the Byzantine army and secured their control over what had been the Byzantine Empire’s agricultural breadbasket in Asia Minor.

科穆寧中興和十字軍東征

? ? ? ? ? 在科穆寧家族的巧妙領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，拜占庭帝國(guó)像鳳凰涅盤一樣，在軍事、財(cái)政和領(lǐng)土上都從曼齊刻爾特戰(zhàn)役的失敗中恢復(fù)過來。第一任科穆寧王朝的統(tǒng)治者是伊薩克一世（1057-59年），他是“保加利亞屠夫”巴西爾二世的手下。伊薩克一世明智地決定將其精力投入到帝國(guó)的財(cái)政改革中，取消了朝臣的養(yǎng)老金和補(bǔ)助金，并侵吞了較富裕的修道院的一些資產(chǎn)。在阿萊克修斯一世·科穆寧（1081-1118年）的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，王朝重新開始了真正的發(fā)展。

Slowly but surely, like a phoenix rising from its ashes, the Byzantine Empire recovered militarily, financially, and territorially from the Manzikert debacle under the skillful leadership of the Comneni dynasty. The first Comnenos to rule was Isaac I (r. 1057–59), a protégé of Basil II “the Bulgar-slayer.” Isaac I wisely decided to devote his energy to financial reform of the empire by revoking the pensions and grants of courtiers and appropriating some of the assets of the wealthier monasteries. The dynasty began in earnest under the leadership of Alexios I (r. 1081–1118).

? ? ? ? ? 在軍事方面，科穆寧皇帝在四次決定性的戰(zhàn)役中戰(zhàn)勝了他們的敵人。在拉維尼歐戰(zhàn)役戰(zhàn)役（1091年）中，皇帝阿萊克修斯一世敏銳地尋求庫(kù)曼突厥部落的幫助，以迷惑入侵安納托利亞的佩切內(nèi)格突厥人。由于大分裂僅發(fā)生在幾十年前的1054年，阿萊克修斯一世試圖與羅馬和解，以確保教皇對(duì)拜占庭抵抗塞爾柱突厥人的支持。1095年，皇帝在皮亞琴察會(huì)議上向教皇烏爾班二世派遣了一個(gè)使團(tuán)，希望教皇以雇傭兵的形式組建遠(yuǎn)征軍幫助拜占庭。會(huì)議的結(jié)果產(chǎn)生了第一次十字軍東征（1095-99年），這導(dǎo)致了十字軍耶路撒冷王國(guó)的建立。對(duì)拜占庭來說，更重要的是恢復(fù)了小亞細(xì)亞的許多領(lǐng)土，包括羅德斯島、尼西亞、非拉鐵非（Philadelphia，現(xiàn)稱為Ala?ehir）和以弗所。阿萊克修斯的功績(jī)通過他杰出的女兒，歷史學(xué)家安娜·科穆寧娜的著作為我們所知，她是《阿萊克修斯傳》（Alexiad）的作者。

On the military front, the Comnenan emperors vanquished their enemies in four decisive battles. In the Battle of Levounion (1091), Emperor Alexios I astutely solicited the aid of the Cuman Turkic tribe to confound the invading Pecheneg Turks who had invaded Anatolia. As the Great Schism had occurred only a few decades earlier, in 1054, Alexios sought to make amends with Rome in order to secure papal support against the Seljuk Turks. In 1095 the emperor dispatched an embassy to Pope Urban II at the Council of Piacenza with the hope of obtaining military aid in the form of mercenaries. The result was the First Crusade (1095–99), which led to the establishment of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. Of greater significance for Byzantium was the restoration of many territories in Asia Minor, including Rhodes, Nicaea, Philadelphia, and Ephesus. Alexios’s feats are known to us through the hand of his remarkable daughter, the historian Anna Comnena, the author of the Alexiad (History of Alexios I).

? ? ? ? ? 約翰二世科穆寧（John II Comnenos，1118-43年）在1122年保加利亞的韋里亞戰(zhàn)役（Beroia）中消滅了殘余的佩切內(nèi)格人。戰(zhàn)役結(jié)束后，下一場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)斗是針對(duì)匈牙利王國(guó)的，該王國(guó)正試圖將其領(lǐng)土擴(kuò)展到達(dá)爾馬提亞和克羅地亞，從而對(duì)拜占庭在巴爾干地區(qū)的優(yōu)勢(shì)地位構(gòu)成明顯的威脅。1167年，在曼努埃爾·科穆寧皇帝（1143-80）在位期間，拜占庭在錫爾米烏姆（塞爾維亞）戰(zhàn)役中戰(zhàn)勝了匈牙利人。鑒于十字軍在第一次十字軍東征期間經(jīng)過拜占庭時(shí)造成的破壞，曼努埃爾對(duì)第二次十字軍東征（1147-49）時(shí)給予他們的支持并不熱心。盡管如此，雙方還是達(dá)成了一項(xiàng)協(xié)議，拜占庭允許十字軍通過，以換取對(duì)十字軍國(guó)家（安提阿、耶路撒冷、的黎波里和埃德薩）建立拜占庭保護(hù)國(guó)。結(jié)果，拜占庭的影響在圣地?cái)U(kuò)大了，希臘東正教的大教堂和修道院以及宏偉的圣墓教堂（位于耶路撒冷著名的基督埋葬地）的建造和東正教禮儀的定期舉行就是見證。

John II Comnenos (r. 1118–43) destroyed the remaining Pecheneg forces at the Battle of Beroia in Bulgaria in 1122. After the dispatch of the Turkic enemies, the next battle was to be fought against the Kingdom of Hungaria, which was seeking to expand its territory into Dalmatia and Croatia, thus posing a clear threat to Byzantine supremacy in the Balkans. The Byzantines prevailed over the Hungarians at the Battle of Sirmium (Serbia) in 1167 during the reign of Emperor Manuel I Comnenos (r. 1143–80). Given the destruction the crusaders wrought while passing through Byzantium on their way to the Holy Land during the First Crusade, Manuel proved less enthusiastic about lending them his support for the Second Crusade (1147–49). Nevertheless, an agreement was reached to allow them passage in exchange for the establishment of a Byzantine protectorate over the Latin Kingdom of Outremer (Antioch, Jerusalem, Tripoli, and Edessa). As a result, Byzantine influence extended in the Holy Land, as witnessed by the building of Greek Orthodox basilicas and monasteries as well as the magnificent Church of the Holy Sepulchre, located on the reputed site of Christ’s burial in Jerusalem, and the regular performance of the Orthodox liturgy.

? ? ? ? ? 也許是對(duì)戰(zhàn)勝敵人的勝利和在圣地獲得的新力量感到震驚，曼努埃爾在1176年弗里吉亞（小亞細(xì)亞）的密列奧塞法隆戰(zhàn)役中試圖向帝國(guó)的大克星塞爾柱突厥人復(fù)仇。雖然拜占庭在數(shù)量上的損失沒有曼齊克爾特戰(zhàn)役那么大，但在密列奧塞法隆戰(zhàn)役的失敗在心理上的傷害也許更大。它確鑿地證明了拜占庭人無法擊敗突厥人，并迫使拜占庭永遠(yuǎn)放棄對(duì)安納托利亞高原的念想。

Perhaps reeling from the victories over his enemies and his newfound strength in the Holy Land, Manuel sought to take his revenge upon the Seljuk Turks, the great nemesis of the empire, at the Battle of Myrokephalon in Phrygia (Asia Minor) in 1176. Although Byzantine numeric losses were not nearly as large as at Manzikert, the defeat suffered at Myrokephalon was perhaps psychologically more damaging. It proved conclusively that the Byzantines were unable to defeat the Turks and forced Byzantium forever to renounce its claims to the Anatolian plateau.

普洛尼亞制度——拜占庭的“封建制度”

? ? ? ? ?在行政方面，阿萊克修斯一世和他的孫子曼努埃爾一世通過建立土地授予的普洛尼亞制度進(jìn)行了重大改革。為了減少政治反對(duì)派的可能性，他通過婚姻與貴族建立了戰(zhàn)略聯(lián)盟，并將這些家族中的許多人納入政府和宮廷，這在科穆寧家族崛起之前曾導(dǎo)致了內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。普洛尼亞土地贈(zèng)予加強(qiáng)了貴族的忠誠(chéng)度，其額外的好處是將潛在的異議者從君士坦丁堡的首都趕走。阿萊克修斯和他的繼任者約翰和曼努埃爾一世還重組了軍隊(duì)，將軍區(qū)系統(tǒng)轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)橹饕善章迥醽喼贫荣?zèng)款資助的科穆寧軍隊(duì)。科穆寧軍隊(duì)包含由拜占庭和外省士兵、騎兵、弓箭手和步兵組成的平衡部隊(duì)，其中包括著名的斯堪的納維亞瓦蘭吉亞衛(wèi)隊(duì)，這支軍隊(duì)?wèi)?zhàn)略性地駐扎在拜占庭的各個(gè)省份。約翰對(duì)攻城戰(zhàn)很重視，他每年幾乎都會(huì)發(fā)起目標(biāo)有限但可實(shí)現(xiàn)的戰(zhàn)役，這解釋了他在統(tǒng)治期間擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)土所取得的成績(jī)。曼努埃爾一世對(duì)軍隊(duì)中的貴族軍官也采用了普洛尼亞制度。

On the administrative front, Alexios I and his grandson Manuel I made significant reforms through the institution of the pronoia system of land grants. In order to diminish the likelihood of political opposition, which had led to civil war before the rise of the Comnenias, he built strategic alliances with the nobility through marriage and incorporated many of these persons into the government and the court. The loyalty of the nobility was strengthened by the pronoia land grants, which had the added benefit of removing potential dissenters from the capital at Constantinople. Alexios and his successors John and Manuel I also restructured the army by transforming the theme system into the Comnenian army financed largely through pronoia grants. The Comnenian army was organized into balanced units of Byzantine and provincial soldiers, cavalry, archers, and infantry, with the famous Scandinavian Varangian Guard, among others, strategically stationed throughout the Byzantine provinces. The emphasis that John placed on siege warfare and the launching of annual battles with limited but realizable objectives explains the extraordinary territorial gains during his rule. Manuel I applied the pronoia system to the aristocratic officers of the army.

? ? ? ? ? ?普洛尼亞與它的前身軍區(qū)系統(tǒng)有些不同。首先，土地授予不是世襲的。而且，它們與歐洲傳統(tǒng)封建制度有某些相似之處。pronoiar（土地受讓人）沒有對(duì)戰(zhàn)略家進(jìn)行個(gè)人忠誠(chéng)的宣誓，因?yàn)榛实廴匀皇峭恋氐暮戏ㄋ姓?。在這里，pronoiar（土地受讓人）也與封建農(nóng)奴不同，后者對(duì)領(lǐng)主的忠誠(chéng)和服務(wù)的莊嚴(yán)承諾是其獲得土地的必要前提。莊園主獲得了從農(nóng)業(yè)和貿(mào)易中收取稅收的權(quán)利，以及從狩獵和運(yùn)輸中收取關(guān)稅的權(quán)利。作為交換，他必須為皇帝提供軍事服務(wù)，但不能強(qiáng)迫他的納稅人加入，而農(nóng)奴有義務(wù)在戰(zhàn)斗中協(xié)助他們的領(lǐng)主。

The pronoia differed somewhat from its predecessor the thema system. In the first place, the land grants were not hereditary. In this sense they shared certain parallels with Latin feudalism. The pronoiar (land grantee) did not swear an oath of personal loyalty to the strategos, since the emperor remained the legal owner of the land. Here, too the pronoiar differed from the feudal serf whose solemn pledge of loyalty and service to his lord were the necessary preconditions of his acquisition of land. The pronoiar acquired the right to collect tax revenues from agriculture and trade and to collect duties from hunting and transportation. In exchange, he owed the emperor military service but could not compel his taxpayers to join him, whereas serfs were obliged to assist their lord in battle.

? ? ? ? ? 在1204年君士坦丁堡被洗劫一空之后，中央對(duì)普洛尼亞制度進(jìn)行了基本改革。尼西亞的流亡統(tǒng)治者約翰三世·杜卡斯·瓦塔茲（Johan III Dukas Vatatzes）（1221-54年）開始對(duì)教會(huì)和貴族婦女采取普洛尼亞制，以進(jìn)一步提升了他在民眾中的支持率，以此對(duì)抗貴族們的反叛。當(dāng)拜占庭在1261年從十字軍手中奪回君士坦丁堡時(shí)，皇帝米海爾八世·巴列奧略戈斯采取了非常規(guī)措施，將普洛尼亞轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)槭酪u財(cái)產(chǎn)，并將其改組為軍事單位，使pronoiars（土地受讓人）幾乎不可能拒絕服兵役。他還行使權(quán)利，沒收了pronoiar（土地受讓人）的稅收，為政府或軍事行動(dòng)提供資金。通過這些改革，普洛尼亞系統(tǒng)開始類似于歐洲傳統(tǒng)的封建主義。

Essential reforms were introduced to the pronoia system in the wake of the debacle of the sacking of Constantinople in 1204. The exiled ruler Johan III Dukas Vatatzes of Nicaea (r. 1221–54) began to grant pronoia to the church and noblewomen in an effort to extend his support among the populace further and to counter opposition among the nobility. When the Byzantines recaptured Constantinople from the crusaders in 1261, Emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus took the extraordinary step of transforming the pronoia into hereditary holdings and reorganized them into military units, making it virtually impossible for pronoiars to refuse military service. He also exercised his right to confiscate pronoiar tax revenues to finance the government or military adventures. With these reforms the pronoiar system began to resemble Latin feudalism.

君士坦丁堡被洗劫及其后的情況

? ? ? ? ? 第四次十字軍東征（1202-04）開始時(shí)只是一次征服埃及的軍事朝圣之旅，但很快就演變成了一場(chǎng)涉及雄心勃勃的拜占庭王子阿萊克修斯四世-安杰洛（1203-04年）和威尼斯教主（1192-1205）之間的權(quán)力游戲。由于無力支付教區(qū)長(zhǎng)向十字軍收取的高昂費(fèi)用，十字軍從他的港口租用和運(yùn)輸船只，通過圍攻威尼斯人在扎拉（克羅地亞）的基督教敵人并向君士坦丁堡進(jìn)軍來“支付”威尼斯人所需的報(bào)酬。向君士坦丁堡進(jìn)軍的表面原因是為了讓阿萊克修斯王子成為皇帝，因?yàn)樗兄Z讓拜占庭教會(huì)與羅馬重新統(tǒng)一，并向教皇承諾提供大量資金資助對(duì)埃及的十字軍東征。相反，十字軍洗劫了這座城市，摧毀了那里的建筑物，并洗劫了競(jìng)技場(chǎng)，在此過程中偷走了四匹宏偉的銅馬，這些銅馬今天在威尼斯的圣馬可廣場(chǎng)熠熠生輝。

The Fourth Crusade (1202–04) began as a military pilgrimage to conquer Egypt but soon evolved into a power play involving the ambitious Byzantine prince Alexios IV Angelos (r. 1203–04) and the Venetian doge (1192–1205). Unable to pay the exorbitant fees that the doge had charged the crusaders to hire and launch ships from his ports, the crusaders “paid off” the Venetians by besieging the Venetians’ Christian enemies at Zara (Croatia) and marching on Constantinople. The ostensible reason for the march on Constantinople was to install Prince Alexios as emperor, since he had promised to reunite the Byzantine Church with Rome and promised the papacy large sums of money to finance the crusade against Egypt. Instead, the crusaders ransacked the city, destroyed buildings, and looted the Hippodrome, stealing in the process the four magnificent bronze horses that today grace the Plaza of San Marcos in Venice.

? ? ? ? ? 對(duì)君士坦丁堡的洗劫摧毀了拜占庭帝國(guó)。十字軍建立了一個(gè)短暫的君士坦丁堡拉丁王國(guó)，1261年由邁克爾八世恢復(fù)了帝國(guó)對(duì)希臘地區(qū)的統(tǒng)治。在這個(gè)間歇期，出現(xiàn)了三個(gè)繼承拜占庭的國(guó)家：尼西亞帝國(guó)，由巴列奧略王朝控制；特拉比松帝國(guó)，由特拉比松的亞歷克塞一世（1204-22年）建立；以及伊庇魯斯專制國(guó)，由杜卡斯家族統(tǒng)治，最初由米海爾·科穆寧·杜卡斯（1205-15）統(tǒng)治。(despotate一詞來自于拜占庭的宮廷稱號(hào)despotes（專制君主），意思是“領(lǐng)主”。) 這些權(quán)貴都為自己爭(zhēng)取到了皇室的頭銜。即使在米海爾八世重建拜占庭帝國(guó)后，伊庇魯斯專制國(guó)仍抵制重新整合，并一直生存到14世紀(jì)中葉，當(dāng)時(shí)它被并入了塞爾維亞帝國(guó)。

The sacking of Constantinople devastated the Byzantine Empire: The crusaders established a short-lived Latin Kingdom of Constantinople, which was restored to Greek rule by Michael VIII Palaeologus in 1261. During this interregnum period three successor Byzantine states emerged: the empire of Nicaea, which was controlled by the Palaeologian dynasty; the empire of Trebizond, founded by the Comnenian Alexios I (r. 1204–22); and the Despotate of Epirus, ruled by the Dukas dynasty initially under Michael Comnenos Dukas (1205–15). (The term despotate is derived from the Byzantine courtly title of despotes, meaning “l(fā)ord.”) Each of these potentates claimed the imperial title for himself. Even after Michael VIII reestablished the Byzantine Empire under his rule, the Despotate of Epirus resisted reintegration and survived until the mid-14th century, when it was annexed to the Serbian empire.

? ? ? ? ? 特拉比松帝國(guó)還保持著對(duì)拜占庭的自治權(quán)，這在很大程度上是因?yàn)樵?258年蒙古領(lǐng)主旭烈兀摧毀巴格達(dá)后，它作為絲綢之路西部終點(diǎn)站的特權(quán)地位。從那時(shí)起，特拉比松得到了蒙古人的保護(hù)，到13世紀(jì)末，這個(gè)國(guó)家作為一個(gè)主要的貿(mào)易和藝術(shù)中心而舉世聞名。通過政治陰謀、戰(zhàn)略聯(lián)姻以及與蒙古人和塞爾柱人的聯(lián)盟，特拉比松甚至在1453年奧斯曼帝國(guó)征服君士坦丁堡之后仍設(shè)法生存下來，盡管其最后一位皇帝大衛(wèi)一世最終在1461年屈服于奧斯曼人的優(yōu)勢(shì)海軍力量和凝聚力。 ?

The Empire of Trebizond also maintained its autonomy from Byzantium, in large measure because of its privileged position as the western terminus of the Silk Road after the destruction of Baghdad by the Mongol lord Hulaghu Khan in 1258. From then on Trebizond enjoyed the protection of the Mongols, and by the end of the 13th century the state acquired international fame as a leading center of trade and the arts. Through political intrigue, strategic marriages, and other alliances with the Mongols and the Seljuks, Trebizond managed to survive even beyond the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453, although its last emperor, David I, would finally succumb to the superior naval power and cohesion of the Ottomans in 1461.

拜占庭帝國(guó)的崩潰

? ? ? ? ? 學(xué)者們傾向于就奧斯曼帝國(guó)征服君士坦丁堡的原因進(jìn)行辯論，其方式與羅馬滅亡的原因大致相同?？梢耘e出許多原因，但主要原因一定是沒有意識(shí)到11世紀(jì)突厥人在安納托利亞的大規(guī)模定居所帶來的危險(xiǎn)，這一過程與七個(gè)世紀(jì)前西羅馬帝國(guó)的“野蠻人”入侵有明顯的相似之處。在科穆寧王朝建立之前的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)期間，突厥部落成功地建立了對(duì)小亞細(xì)亞一半以上的拜占庭領(lǐng)土的實(shí)際控制。盡管許多科穆寧王朝的皇帝，特別是阿萊克修斯一世和約翰二世，對(duì)突厥部落發(fā)動(dòng)了成功的戰(zhàn)役，但他們從未對(duì)其取得過徹底勝利，更不用說成功地驅(qū)逐他們了。曼努埃爾一世在圣地與十字軍的陰謀詭計(jì)轉(zhuǎn)移了小亞細(xì)亞的寶貴注意力和資源，使突厥人在那里進(jìn)一步鞏固勢(shì)力。1204年君士坦丁堡被洗劫一空，隨之而來的是拜占庭敵對(duì)國(guó)家的建立，這種內(nèi)訌使其無法建立從突厥部落手中奪回安納托利亞所需的持續(xù)和統(tǒng)一的陣線。

Scholars tend to debate the reasons for the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in much the same way as those for the fall of Rome. Many reasons could be cited, but the primary causes must be the failure to perceive the dangers posed by the massive settlement of Turkic peoples in Anatolia in the 11th century, a process that finds obvious analogies with the “barbarian” invasions of the Western Roman Empire seven centuries earlier. During the period of civil war that immediately preceded the founding of the Comneni dynasty, Turkic tribes had managed to establish de facto control over more than half of the Byzantine territories in Asia Minor. Although many of the Comnenian emperors, especially Alexios I and John II, waged successful campaigns against the Turkish tribes, they never obtained a definitive victory over them, let alone managed to expel them. Manuel I’s machinations with the crusaders in the Holy Land diverted valuable attention and resources from Asia Minor, allowing the Turks further to entrench themselves there. The sacking of Constantinople in 1204 and the resultant establishment of rival Byzantine states perpetuated the civil infighting that made it impossible to create the sustained and united front needed to retake Anatolia from the Turkic tribes.

? ? ? ? ? 拜占庭滅亡的另一個(gè)原因可能是軍事結(jié)構(gòu)中軍區(qū)系統(tǒng)的消亡，這在羅馬軍隊(duì)后期的侵蝕中也能找到相似之處。與科穆寧時(shí)代的軍隊(duì)相比，軍區(qū)系統(tǒng)有幾個(gè)重要的優(yōu)勢(shì)。前者在數(shù)量上占優(yōu)勢(shì)，部隊(duì)長(zhǎng)期駐扎在各省，與規(guī)模較小且較為集中的科穆寧軍隊(duì)形成鮮明對(duì)比。軍區(qū)系統(tǒng)也更經(jīng)濟(jì)，可以方便快捷地動(dòng)員更多的戰(zhàn)斗人員參加戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。事實(shí)證明，科穆寧的普洛尼亞制度在招募士兵時(shí)要昂貴得多，而且不那么可靠。1204年的失敗和隨后的帝國(guó)分裂耗盡了國(guó)庫(kù)，使拜占庭處于經(jīng)濟(jì)崩潰的邊緣。在這種情況下，皇帝無法維持一支龐大的常備軍，不得不像古典羅馬人那樣，依靠廉價(jià)但不可靠的雇傭兵。最終，內(nèi)部體制的弱點(diǎn)和間歇性的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)與奧斯曼帝國(guó)對(duì)拜占庭的征服一樣，甚至比軍隊(duì)的責(zé)任更大。

A further cause of the fall of Byzantium may be found in the demise of the theme system of military organization, which also finds its parallels in the erosion of the Roman army in the late period. The theme system had several important advantages over the Comnenian army: The former was by far numerically superior, with troops permanently stationed throughout the provinces, in contrast to the smaller and more concentrated Comnenian forces. The theme system was also more economical and allowed larger numbers of fighting men to be mobilized for war easily and quickly. The Comnenian pronoia system proved far more expensive and less reliable at the hour of recruiting soldiers. The debacle of 1204 and the ensuing division of the empire drained the coffers and placed Byzantium at the brink of economic ruin. Under such circumstances, the emperor was unable to maintain a large standing army and was obliged, as was his classical Roman counterpart, to rely upon cheaper but unreliable mercenaries. In the end internal institutional weakness and intermittent civil wars were as much to blame as, if not more than, the army for the Ottoman conquest of Byzantium.

? ? ? ? ? 雖然拜占庭帝國(guó)落入奧斯曼帝國(guó)之手，并被伊斯蘭化，但東正教拜占庭的遺產(chǎn)將在希臘和東歐的領(lǐng)土上繼續(xù)存在，包括俄羅斯、格魯吉亞、亞美尼亞、保加利亞、馬其頓、塞爾維亞、羅馬尼亞和烏克蘭，這些國(guó)家在拜占庭傳教士的努力下?lián)肀Щ浇?。奧斯曼帝國(guó)的穆斯林保持了伊斯蘭教對(duì)宗教少數(shù)群體的寬容傳統(tǒng)，這使得希臘宗主國(guó)和東正教得以生存。盡管看起來很諷刺，但即使是奧斯曼帝國(guó)的統(tǒng)治者也自詡為東羅馬帝國(guó)的繼承人。

Although the Byzantine Empire fell to the Ottomans and would become Islamicized, the legacy of Orthodox Christian Byzantium would survive in Greece and in the territories of eastern Europe that include Russia, Georgia, Armenia, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Serbia, Romania, and the Ukraine, which embraced Christianity thanks to the efforts of Byzantine missionaries. The Ottoman Muslims maintained the Islamic dhimmi tradition of tolerance of religious minorities, which allowed the Greek patriarchate and Orthodox Christianity to survive. As ironic as it may seem, even the Ottoman rulers were self-styled heirs of the Eastern Roman Empire.

拜占庭帝國(guó)的關(guān)鍵人物

狄奧多拉皇后（約500-548；527-548年）

? ? ? ? ? ?狄奧多拉是一位杰出的女性，她從一個(gè)低賤的妓女成長(zhǎng)為查士丁尼皇帝的妻子，她影響了查士丁尼法典中許多“新律”（Novellae）的編寫。其中一些法律賦予婦女前所未有的權(quán)利。她是一個(gè)深信不疑的基督一性論信徒，她軟化了皇帝對(duì)基督一性論的政策，有時(shí)甚至直接干涉支持東正教尼卡尼-卡爾西頓派的基督教。在她的影響下，查士丁尼在死前不久接受了一性論。

A remarkable woman who rose from being a lowly prostitute to become the wife of Emperor Justinian, Theodora influenced the writing of many of the “Novelties” (Novellae) in the Justinian Code. Some of these laws granted women unprecedented rights. A convinced Monophysite, she softened and sometimes directly undermined the emperor’s policies against Monophysites in pro of Orthodox Nicaene-Chalcedonian Christianity. Under her influence, Justinian would embrace Monophysitism shortly before his death.

查士丁尼一世

? ? ? ? ? 他是拜占庭歷史上最重要的皇帝之一，他是第一個(gè)將整個(gè)羅馬法體系化為統(tǒng)一法典的人，即Corpus juris civilis（民法體系），這影響了教會(huì)教規(guī)法，后來也促使羅馬法在中世紀(jì)西方的復(fù)興。他發(fā)動(dòng)了哥特戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)（535-552），收復(fù)了西班牙、北非和意大利的大部分地區(qū)，并在那里建立了拉文納總督區(qū)。

One of the most important emperors in all of Byzantine history, he was the first to systematize the entire corpus of Roman law into a uniform code, the Corpus juris civilis (Body of civil law), which influenced ecclesiastical canon law and later prompted the revival of Roman law in the medieval West as well. He launched the Gothic Wars (535–552), which led to Byzantium’s recovery of much of Spain, North Africa, and Italy, where he established the Exarchate of Ravenna.

希拉克略皇帝

? ? ? ? ? 在波斯薩珊王朝日益嚴(yán)重的威脅下希拉克略重組了拜占庭軍隊(duì)，建立了一個(gè)由軍事和準(zhǔn)封建戰(zhàn)略家管理的土地莊園制度（thema，軍區(qū)制）。新制度使拜占庭軍隊(duì)成為整個(gè)基督教世界中最強(qiáng)大的軍隊(duì)，并使希拉克略能夠收復(fù)被波斯人奪去的小亞細(xì)亞領(lǐng)土。希拉克略是伊斯蘭教興起時(shí)期的皇帝，他對(duì)猶太人的迫害將直接影響到埃及、敘利亞和巴勒斯坦對(duì)阿拉伯人的損失。他在雅爾穆克戰(zhàn)役（636年）中擊敗了穆斯林，使拜占庭帝國(guó)免于毀滅。

In the wake of increasing threats by the Persian Sassanids, Heraclius restructured the Byzantine army by founding the institution of the thema system of landed estates under the governorship of a military and quasi-feudal strategos. The new system made the Byzantine army the most powerful in all of Christendom and enabled Heraclius to recover Asia Minor territories lost to the Persians. Emperor at the rise of Islam, in his persecution of the Jews he would directly influence the loss of Egypt, Syria, and Palestine to the Arabs. His defeat of the Muslims at the Battle of Yarmuk (636) saved the Byzantine Empire from certain destruction.

大馬士革的圣約翰

? ? ? ? ? 作為一名敘利亞修士和富有魅力的傳教士，約翰在730年爆發(fā)的圣像破壞者之爭(zhēng)中嶄露頭角，并將他的余生和許多著作都獻(xiàn)給了對(duì)圣像的熱情辯護(hù)，認(rèn)為它對(duì)基督教教義和基督徒的救贖至關(guān)重要。他還擔(dān)任了大馬士革倭馬亞統(tǒng)治者的首席顧問，這個(gè)職位是從他父親那里繼承的。然而，他還寫了《論異端》，這是最早的神學(xué)論文之一，對(duì)伊斯蘭教進(jìn)行論戰(zhàn)。

A Syrian monk and charismatic preacher, John rose to prominence during the Iconoclast Controversy that erupted in 730 and devoted the rest of his life and many of his writings to the ardent defense of icons as essential to Christian doctrine and Christian salvation. He also served as chief councillor to the Umayyad rulers at Damascus, a post inherited from his father. Yet he also wrote Concerning Heresy, one of the first theological treatises polemicizing against Islam.

伊蘇里亞的利奧三世

? ? ? ? ? 在717年伊斯蘭教對(duì)君士坦丁堡的圍攻中，他成功地保衛(wèi)了帝國(guó)，但由于煽動(dòng)了破壞圣像的爭(zhēng)論（730-787，814-842），宣布崇拜圣像為非法，從而在帝國(guó)內(nèi)部以及拜占庭和羅馬之間引發(fā)了宗教和政治分裂。利奧被一種堅(jiān)定的信仰所驅(qū)使——帝國(guó)對(duì)教會(huì)元老的至高無上的要求，這種政治立場(chǎng)受到了羅馬教皇的挑戰(zhàn)，在東正教和天主教之間的最終大分裂（1054年）中起了決定性作用。

He successfully defended the empire during the Islamic siege of Constantinople in 717 but would precipitate a religious and political schism within the empire and between Byzantium and Rome by instigating the Iconoclast Controversy (730–787, 814–842), which outlawed the worship of icons. Leo was driven by a firm belief in caesaropapism—the claim of imperial supremacy over the church patriarch, and this political stance, challenged by the Roman pope, would be decisive in the final Great Schism (1054) between the Orthodox and Catholic Churches.

安娜·科穆寧娜

? ? ? ? ? 她是拜占庭公主和學(xué)者，是科穆寧王朝創(chuàng)始人阿萊克修斯一世·科穆寧（1081-1118年）的女兒。阿萊克修斯在對(duì)塞爾柱人的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中請(qǐng)求羅馬的幫助，引發(fā)了第一次十字軍東征。作為第一位女歷史學(xué)家，她在《阿萊克修斯傳》中詳細(xì)介紹了父親的生活和統(tǒng)治，這是第一次十字軍東征最重要的歷史記錄之一。

A Byzantine princess and scholar, she was the daughter of Alexios I Comnenos (r. 1081–1118), founder of the Comneni dynasty. Alexios’s request for help from Rome in his war against the Seljuks sparked the First Crusade. Famed as the first woman historian, she detailed the life and reign of her father in her Alexiad, one of the most important historical chronicles of the First Crusade.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones

未完待續(xù)！