作者：John Haldon約翰·哈爾頓

出版商：Routledge Taylor & Francis Group

自翻：流瀲紫琳

（接上）

Defensive warfare

防御戰(zhàn)

????????? Wars can, crudely speaking, thus be divided into two broad categories, defensive and offensive, although it must be said at the outset that pre-emptive attacks could count as both, and were frequently so justified. Defensive fighting took several forms: guerrilla tactics against enemy invaders; major confrontations between field armies, often following a protracted period of manoeuvring in which each side tried to outwit the other; or a combination of the two. The defensive campaigns fought against the first Islamic armies took this form, with the imperial forces struggling to match the mobility and speed of the Arab raiders, who were able to deprive the Roman commanders of the initiative not simply by virtue of their fast-moving, hard-hitting tactics, but also because the type of warfare they practised made any notion of a regular front untenable.

（因此，粗略地說，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)可以分為兩大類：防御性和進(jìn)攻性的。首先必須說先發(fā)制人的攻擊可以算作兩者，并且經(jīng)常被證明是合理的。防御戰(zhàn)有幾種形式：游擊戰(zhàn)術(shù)對(duì)抗入侵者；野戰(zhàn)軍之間的主要對(duì)抗，通常是在雙方都試圖以智取勝的長(zhǎng)時(shí)間機(jī)動(dòng)之后；亦或兩者的結(jié)合。與第一批伊斯蘭軍隊(duì)作戰(zhàn)的防御運(yùn)動(dòng)采取了這種形式，帝國(guó)軍隊(duì)努力與阿拉伯襲擊者的機(jī)動(dòng)性和速度相匹敵，他們能夠剝奪羅馬指揮官的主動(dòng)權(quán)，而不僅僅是憑借他們的快速移動(dòng)，強(qiáng)硬的戰(zhàn)術(shù)，但也因?yàn)樗麄儗?shí)踐的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)類型使得任何正規(guī)戰(zhàn)線的概念都站不住腳。）

????????? The Arab Islamic conquests radically altered the strategic and political geography of the whole east Mediterranean region. The complete failure of attempts to meet and drive back the invaders in open battle induced a major shift in strategy whereby open confrontations with the Muslim armies were avoided. The field armies were withdrawn first to north Syria and Mesopotamia, and shortly thereafter back to the line of the Taurus and Anti-Taurus ranges. By the mid-640s the armies which had operated in Syria, Palestine and Mesopotamia had been withdrawn into Anatolia. The regions across which they were based were determined by the ability of these districts to provide for the soldiers in terms of supplies and other requirements. The field forces thus came to be quartered across Asia Minor and Thrace, where they were now referred to by the Greek term for these districts, themata or 'themes'.

（信仰伊斯蘭教的阿拉伯人的征服從根本上改變了整個(gè)東地中海地區(qū)的戰(zhàn)略和政治地理。 在公開戰(zhàn)斗中與入侵者會(huì)面和擊退的嘗試完全失敗，導(dǎo)致戰(zhàn)略發(fā)生重大轉(zhuǎn)變，從而避免了與穆斯林軍隊(duì)的公開對(duì)抗。野戰(zhàn)軍首先撤退到敘利亞北部和美索不達(dá)米亞，之后不久又撤回金牛座和反金牛座山脈。到 640 年代中期，曾在敘利亞、巴勒斯坦和美索不達(dá)米亞作戰(zhàn)的軍隊(duì)已撤回安納托利亞。他們駐扎的地區(qū)取決于這些地區(qū)在補(bǔ)給和其他需求方面為士兵提供的能力。因此，野戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)駐扎在小亞細(xì)亞和色雷斯，在那里他們現(xiàn)在被希臘語稱為這些轄區(qū)、行政區(qū)或“塞姆”。）

????????? This distribution was intended both to meet logistical demands by providing each army with an adequate hinterland from which it could be supported and to meet the strategic needs of defence. But it was a very defensive strategy, and it meant that the economic hinterland of the frontier incurred substantial damage, subject as it was to regular devastation. There resulted the appearance by the 700s of a `no-man's land' between the settled and economically safer regions on both sides. The new arrangements did prevent the establishment by the Arabs of permanent bases in Asia Minor itself.

（這種分配旨在通過為每支軍隊(duì)提供足夠的腹地來滿足后勤需求，并滿足防御的戰(zhàn)略需要。但這是一種非常防御性的策略，這意味著邊境的經(jīng)濟(jì)腹地遭受了重大破壞，并且經(jīng)常遭受破壞。到了700年，雙方的定居區(qū)和經(jīng)濟(jì)上更安全的地區(qū)之間出現(xiàn)了“無人區(qū)”。新的安排確實(shí)阻止了阿拉伯人在小亞細(xì)亞本身建立永久基地。）

????????? The themata or themes were at first merely groupings of provinCes across which different armies were based. By 730 or thereabouts they had acquired a clear geographical identity; and by the later 8th century some elements of fiscal as well as military administration were set up on a thematic basis, although the late Roman provinces continued to subsist. The number of themata expanded as the empire's economic and political situation improved, partly through the original large military divisions being split up into different 'provincial' armies, and partly through the recovery in the last years of the 8th century and the reimposition of imperial authority over lands once held in the southern Balkans.

（軍區(qū)制或塞姆制起初只是不同軍隊(duì)駐扎的省份的分組。 到 730 年左右，他們已經(jīng)獲得了清晰的地理特征； 到了 8 世紀(jì)后期，財(cái)政和軍事管理的一些要素是在主題基礎(chǔ)上建立的，盡管晚期羅馬行省繼續(xù)存在。 隨著帝國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治形勢(shì)的改善，特瑪塔的數(shù)量有所增加，部分原因是原有的大型軍事部門被拆分為不同的“省級(jí)”軍隊(duì)，部分原因是 8 世紀(jì)最后幾年的恢復(fù)和帝國(guó)權(quán)威的重新行使在巴爾干南部的土地上。）

????????? The localisation of recruitment and military identities which resulted from these arrangements led to a distinction between the regular elements - full-time soldiers and the less competent or well-supplied militia-like elements in each theme region. In the 760s a small elite force, known as the human ['the regiments') was established under Constantine V (741-75), which quickly evolved into the elite field division for campaign purposes. It had better pay and discipline than both the regular and the part-time provincial units, and this was the first step in a tendency to recruit mercenary forces, both foreign and indigenous, to form special units and to serve for the duration of a particular campaign or group of campaigns. As imperial power recovered in the 9th and 10th centuries, the empire reasserted its military strength in the east, and the role and the proportion of such full-time units became ever more important.

（由這些安排導(dǎo)致的招募和軍事身份的本地化導(dǎo)致在每個(gè)主題區(qū)域中區(qū)分正規(guī)元素 - 全職士兵和能力較差或供應(yīng)充足的民兵式元素。在 760 年代，在君士坦丁五世（741-75）的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下建立了一支小型精銳部隊(duì)，稱為'兵團(tuán)'，該部隊(duì)迅速演變?yōu)橛糜诟?jìng)爭(zhēng)目的的精銳野戰(zhàn)師。它的薪酬和紀(jì)律比正規(guī)和兼職省級(jí)單位都好，這是招募外國(guó)和土著雇傭軍組建特種部隊(duì)并在特定時(shí)期服役的趨勢(shì)的第一步。 9世紀(jì)和10世紀(jì)隨著皇權(quán)的恢復(fù)，帝國(guó)在東方重新確立了軍事實(shí)力，這些專職部隊(duì)的作用和比例變得越來越重要。）

????????? Defensive strategy was determined by several elements. To begin with, raiding forces were to be held and turned back at the Taurus and Anti-Taurus passes, wherever possible. Where this policy of meeting and repulsing hostile attacks at the frontier did not work, local forces would harass the invaders, keeping track of every movement and the location of each party or group. Numerous small forts and fortresses along the major routes, located at crossroads or locations where supplies might be stored as well as by the frontier passes through which enemy forces had to pass, reinforced the local troops. Although exposed to enemy action, these posts were a constant threat to any invading force. in addition, a series of frontier districts was set up in the 8th and 9th centuries as independent commands along the frontier, complementing the armies of the themes. Known as kleisourarchies (kleisourarchiai), they emphasised the highly localised pattern of defence.

? （防御策略由幾個(gè)要素決定。首先，在可能的情況下，襲擊部隊(duì)將在金牛座和反金牛座關(guān)口處被控制和折返。如果這種在邊境會(huì)合和擊退敵對(duì)襲擊的政策不起作用，當(dāng)?shù)剀婈?duì)就會(huì)騷擾入侵者，跟蹤每一個(gè)政黨或團(tuán)體的動(dòng)向和位置。主要路線沿線的許多小堡壘和堡壘，位于十字路口或可能儲(chǔ)存補(bǔ)給的地點(diǎn)以及敵軍必須通過的邊境通道，加強(qiáng)了當(dāng)?shù)剀婈?duì)。雖然暴露在敵人的行動(dòng)中，但這些哨所對(duì)任何入侵部隊(duì)都是持續(xù)的威脅。此外，8、9世紀(jì)還設(shè)立了一系列邊疆區(qū)，作為沿邊線的獨(dú)立司令部，與主題軍隊(duì)相輔相成。他們被稱為 kleisourarchies (kleisourarchiai)，強(qiáng)調(diào)高度本地化的防御模式。）

????????? The empire suffered many defeats, especially in the earlier period, but it also witnessed some major successes, particularly where the invaders could be shadowed and the imperial armies brought together at the right time and place. These encounters showed that the strategy operated by the imperial forces could succeed, when the armies were well led and adequate intelligence of enemy movements was available. But the war in the east was largely a struggle between two equal powers, with the imperial side having the advantage of geography and communications to offset the superior numbers on the side of the Caliphate. Only in the 10th century, when the empire went over fully to the offensive, does this picture change. These defensive arrangements were progressively allowed to fall into disuse os the empire went onto the offensive after the middle of the 10th century. And when the empire's situation changed for the worse, as a result of the appearance from the 1040s and afterwards of a host of new enemies, the lack of an effective, deep defensive structure permitted the Seljuk Turks to conquer and permanently occupy central Asia Minor after the battle of Mantzikert in 1071 with virtually no opposition. The empire was never again able to re-establish its power in the region.

（帝國(guó)遭受了許多失敗，尤其是在早期，但它也見證了一些重大的成功，尤其是在入侵者的陰影下以及帝國(guó)軍隊(duì)在正確的時(shí)間和地點(diǎn)聚集的地方。這些遭遇表明，帝國(guó)軍隊(duì)的戰(zhàn)略可以成功，只要軍隊(duì)得到很好的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)并且可以獲得足夠的敵軍動(dòng)向情報(bào)。但東方的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)在很大程度上是兩個(gè)平等力量之間的斗爭(zhēng)，帝國(guó)方面具有地理和通訊優(yōu)勢(shì)，可以抵消哈里發(fā)方面的優(yōu)勢(shì)。直到 10 世紀(jì)，當(dāng)?shù)蹏?guó)全面轉(zhuǎn)入攻勢(shì)時(shí)，這種情況才有所改變。隨著帝國(guó)在 10 世紀(jì)中葉之后發(fā)動(dòng)進(jìn)攻，這些防御安排逐漸被廢棄。當(dāng)?shù)蹏?guó)的局勢(shì)變得更糟時(shí)，由于 1040 年代及之后出現(xiàn)了大量新敵人，缺乏有效的、深入的防御結(jié)構(gòu)使得塞爾柱突厥人在此之后征服并永久占領(lǐng)了中小亞細(xì)亞。1071 年的曼茨克特之戰(zhàn)幾乎沒有任何反對(duì)。 帝國(guó)再也無法在該地區(qū)重新建立其權(quán)力。）

未完待續(xù)