The British Industrial Revolution (1760-1840) witnessed a great number of technical innovations, such as steam-powered machines, which resulted in new working practices, which in turn brought many social changes. More women and children worked than ever before, for the first time more people lived in towns and cities than in the countryside, people married younger and had more children, and people's diet improved. The workforce become much less skilled than previously, and many workplaces became unhealthy and dangerous. Cities suffered from pollution, poor sanitation, and crime. The urban middle class expanded, but there was still a wide and unbridgeable gap between the poor, the majority of whom were now unskilled labourers, and the rich, who were no longer measured by the land they owned but by their capital and possessions.

? ? ? ? ? ?英國工業(yè)革命（1760-1840 年）見證了蒸汽機等一系列技術(shù)創(chuàng)新，催生了新的工作方式，進而帶來了無數(shù)的社會變革。工作的婦女和兒童比以往任何時候都多，居住在城市的人口首次超過農(nóng)村，人們結(jié)婚年齡更早，生育的孩子也更多，人們的飲食也得到了改善。勞動力的技能要求比以前低得多，許多工作場所變得不健康和充滿危險。城市受到污染、衛(wèi)生條件差和犯罪的困擾。城市中產(chǎn)階級不斷壯大，但窮人與富人之間仍然存在著不可逾越的鴻溝，窮人中的大多數(shù)都是非技術(shù)工人，而富人的衡量標準不再是他們擁有的土地，而是他們的資本和財產(chǎn)。 ?

城市化

The population of Britain rose dramatically in the 18th century, so much so that a nationwide census was conducted for the first time in 1801. The census was repeated every decade thereafter and showed interesting results. Between 1750 and 1851, Britain's population rose from 6 million to 21 million. London's population grew from 959,000 in 1801 to 3,254,000 in 1871. The population of Manchester in 1801 was 75,000 but 351,000 in 1871. Other cities witnessed similar growth. The 1851 census revealed that, for the first time, more people were living in towns and cities than in the countryside.?

? ? ? ? ? ?18 世紀，英國人口急劇增長，1801 年首次進行了全國人口普查。此后每十年重復進行一次人口普查，結(jié)果非常有趣。1750 年至 1851 年間，英國人口從 600 萬增加到 2100 萬。倫敦人口從 1801 年的 95.9 萬增長到 1871 年的 325.4 萬。曼徹斯特的人口在 1801 年為 75,000 人，1871 年則為 351,000 人。其他城市也有類似的增長。1851 年的人口普查顯示，居住在城鎮(zhèn)的人口首次超過了居住在農(nóng)村的人口。

More young people meeting each other in a more confined urban setting meant marriages happened earlier, and the birth rate went up compared to societies in rural areas (which did rise, too, but to a lesser degree). For example, "In urban Lancashire in 1800, 40 per cent of 17-30-year-olds were married, compared to 19 per cent in rural Lancashire. In rural Britain, the average age of marriage was 27, in most industrial areas 24, and in mining areas about 20" (Shelley, 98).

? ? ? ? ?更多的年輕人在更為封閉的城市環(huán)境中相遇，這意味著婚姻更早發(fā)生，出生率與農(nóng)村地區(qū)相比也有所上升（農(nóng)村地區(qū)的出生率也有所上升，但程度較低）。例如，“1800 年，在蘭開夏郡城市，17 至 30 歲的年輕女性中有 40% 結(jié)婚，而蘭開夏郡鄉(xiāng)村這一比例為 19%。在英國鄉(xiāng)村，平均結(jié)婚年齡為 27 歲，大多數(shù)工業(yè)區(qū)為 24 歲，在礦區(qū)約為 20歲” (Shelley, 98)。

Urbanisation did not mean there was no community spirit in towns and cities. Very often people living in the same street pulled together in a time of crisis. Communities around mines and textile mills were particularly close-knit with everyone being involved in the same profession and with a community spirit and pride fostered by such activities as a colliery or mill band. Workers also got together to form clubs to save up for an annual outing, usually to the seaside.

? ? ? ? ? 城市化并不意味著城鎮(zhèn)沒有社區(qū)精神。很多時候，生活在同一條街道上的人們在危機時刻會團結(jié)在一起。礦山和紡織廠周圍的社區(qū)尤其緊密，每個人都從事相同的職業(yè)，煤礦或紡織廠樂隊等活動培養(yǎng)了社區(qū)精神和自豪感。工人們還聚集在一起成立俱樂部，為每年一次的旅行（通常是去海邊）攢錢。

Life became cramped in the cities that had grown up around factories and coalfields. Many families were obliged to share the same cheaply-built home. "In Liverpool in the 1840s, 40,000 people were living in cellars, with an average of six people per cellar" (Armstrong, 188). Pollution became a serious problem in many places. Poor sanitation – few streets had running water or drains, and non-flushing toilets were often shared between households – led to the spread of diseases. In 1837, 1839, and 1847, there were typhus epidemics. In 1831 and 1849, there were cholera epidemics. Life expectancy rose because of better diet and new vaccinations, but infant mortality could be high in some periods, sometimes over 50% for the under-fives. Not until the 1848 Public Health Act did governments even begin to assume responsibility for improving sanitation, and even then local health boards were slow to form in reality. Another effect of urbanisation was the rise in petty crime. Criminals were now more confident of escaping detection in the ever-increasing anonymity of life in the cities.

? ? ? ? ? 在圍繞工廠和煤田發(fā)展起來的城市中，生活變得擁擠不堪。許多家庭不得不共用一棟廉價建造的房屋?！霸?9 世紀 40年代的利物浦，有 4 萬人住在地窖里，平均每個地窖住 6 人”（Armstrong，188）。污染成為許多地方的嚴重問題。衛(wèi)生條件差（很少有街道有自來水或下水道，而且家庭之間經(jīng)常共用無沖水廁所）導致疾病傳播。1837 年、1839 年和 1847 年，斑疹傷寒流行。1831 年和 1849 年，霍亂流行。由于更好的營養(yǎng)和新疫苗，預期壽命有所延長，但某些時期嬰兒死亡率可能很高，有時五歲以下嬰兒的死亡率超過 50%。直到 1848 年《公共衛(wèi)生法案》頒布后，政府才開始承擔起改善環(huán)境衛(wèi)生條件的責任，即便如此，地方衛(wèi)生委員會的真正組建也進展緩慢。城市化的另一個影響是輕微犯罪的增加。由于城市生活越來越隱蔽，犯罪分子更有把握逃脫逮捕。 ?

Cities became concentrations of the poor, surviving off the charity of those more fortunate. Children roamed the streets begging. Children without homes or a job, if they were boys, were often trained to become a Shoe Black, that is someone who shined shoes in the street. These paupers were given this opportunity by charitable organisations so that they would not have to go to the infamous workhouse. The workhouse was brought into existence in 1834 with the Poor Law Amendment Act. The workhouse was deliberately intended to be such an awful place that it did little more than keep its male, female, and child inhabitants alive, in the belief that any more charity than that would simply encourage the poor not to bother looking for paid work. The workhouse involved what its name suggests – work, but it was tedious work indeed, typically unpleasant and repetitive tasks like crushing bones to make glue or cleaning the workhouse itself. Despite all the problems, urbanisation continued so that by 1880 only 20% of Britain's population lived in rural areas.

? ? ? ? ? 城市成了窮人的聚集地，靠那些更幸運的人的施舍生存。孩子們在街上乞討。無家可歸或沒有工作的兒童，如果是男孩，通常會被訓練成為擦鞋匠，即在街上擦鞋的人。慈善組織為這些貧民提供了這樣的機會，使他們不必去聲名狼藉的濟貧院。1834 年，隨著《濟貧法修正法案》的頒布，濟貧院應(yīng)運而生。救濟院被刻意設(shè)計成一個可怕的地方，除了讓男女老幼都能活下去外，幾乎沒有其他作用，因為人們相信，再多的施舍也只會鼓勵窮人懶得去找有償工作。濟貧院顧名思義——工作，但確實是乏味的工作，通常是不愉快的重復性工作，如碾碎骨頭制作膠水或打掃濟貧院本身。盡管存在這些問題，城市化仍在繼續(xù)，到 1880 年，英國只有 20% 的人口居住在農(nóng)村地區(qū)。

工作生活

男士

Male workers had opportunities as never before during the Industrial Revolution with the boom in mining, mechanised factories, shipbuilding, and the railways with their train stations and construction projects. Many of these jobs were unskilled, though, and those men who had skills like carpentry, textile weaving, and horse handling were, in many cases, replaced by machines. Men also faced much more competition from women, who were significantly cheaper in terms of wages. Those men who did find work secured a more stable wage than previously, but mechanised workplaces could be dangerous, and the work was often dull and repetitive. The factory system, where workers concentrated only on a specific part of the production process, meant that workers had little sense of achievement in the finished article as they might have done in the old domestic system where a worker produced a finished article.

? ? ? ? ? 工業(yè)革命期間，隨著采礦業(yè)、機械化工廠、造船業(yè)和鐵路及其火車站和建筑項目的蓬勃發(fā)展，男性工人獲得了前所未有的機會。不過，這些工作很多都是非技術(shù)性的，那些擁有木工、紡織和馬術(shù)等技能的男性在很多情況下都被機器取代了。男性還面臨著來自女性的更多競爭，因為女性的工資要低得多。找到工作的男性比以前獲得了更穩(wěn)定的薪水，但機械化的工作場所可能很危險，而且工作往往枯燥乏味、重復性強。在工廠制度下，工人們只專注于生產(chǎn)過程的特定部分，這意味著工人們在成品中幾乎沒有成就感，而在舊的家庭制度中，工人生產(chǎn)的是最終產(chǎn)品。

Trade unions were established to protect workers' rights, but these were banned by law between 1799 and 1824. Even in the 1830s, many employers insisted that new hires sign a statement promising they were not and would not become members of a trade union. The more successful unions were those representing more skilled workers like engineers who could afford to contribute collectively so that their union had full-time workers to further the interests of its members. In this period, trade unions did not represent women or children.

? ? ? ? ? 成立工會是為了保護工人的權(quán)利，但在 1799 年至 1824 年間，法律禁止成立工會。即使在 19 世紀 30 年代，許多雇主仍堅持要求新員工簽署一份聲明，承諾他們現(xiàn)在不是、將來也不會成為工會會員。比較成功的工會是那些代表像工程師這樣的技術(shù)工人的工會，他們有能力繳納集體會費，這樣他們的工會就有全職工人來維護會員的利益。在這一時期，工會不代表婦女或兒童。

女士

Very often, women performed the same tasks as men in the workplace, since they were cheaper and few machines needed great physical strength to operate. Most women in factories were under 30 years of age, and the majority of these were teenagers. "A British survey undertaken in 1818 found that women comprised a little over half of the workers in cotton textiles" (Horn, 57). In Scottish factories, the figure was even higher. Further, in Manchester, for example, "the highest paid female factory worker made a quarter of what the highest paid male laborer earned" (Horn, 59).

? ? ? ? ? ?很多時候，女性在工作場所中往往從事與男子相同的工作，因為她們的工資較低，而且很少有機器需要很強的體力才能操作。工廠中的大多數(shù)女工年齡在 30 歲以下，其中以青少年居多。“1818 年英國的一項調(diào)查發(fā)現(xiàn)，女性占棉紡織工人的一半以上”（Horn，57 歲）。在蘇格蘭的工廠，這一數(shù)字甚至更高。此外，以曼徹斯特為例，，“收入最高的女性工人的收入，是收入最高的男性工人的四分之一”（Horn，59）。

In the mines, women were employed to carry heavy baskets of coal from the face to carts for transportation, which usually involved walking through water all day. Only the arrival of the 1842 Mines Act brought the prohibition of the employment of women, girls, and boys under 10 years of age from working underground. In the short term, many women lost their jobs, and families with only daughters suffered severe financial hardship as a result of these reforms.

? ? ? ? ? 在礦井中，女性受雇將沉重的煤筐從工作面搬到運輸車上，這通常需要在水中行走一整天。直到 1842 年《礦山法》的頒布，才禁止雇用婦女、女孩和 10 歲以下的男孩從事井下工作。在短期內(nèi)，許多婦女失去了工作，只有女兒的家庭也因這些改革而遭受了嚴重的經(jīng)濟困難。

More positively, during the Industrial Revolution, the increased ability of women to find employment meant that they had more independence than had been the case in more traditional rural communities. Young women could be financially independent of their parents earlier and, given the increased social contact, be more selective in their choice of husband (as could men, of course). In addition, by the 1850s, "married women were also slightly more likely to have children and to minimize the spacing between births" (Horn, 5).

? ? ? ? ? 從更積極的角度來看，在工業(yè)革命期間，女性找到工作的能力更強，這意味著她們比在更傳統(tǒng)的農(nóng)村社區(qū)擁有更多的獨立性。年輕女性可以更早地在經(jīng)濟上獨立于父母，而且由于社會接觸增多，她們在選擇丈夫時也更有選擇性（當然，男性也是如此）。此外，到了 19 世紀 50 年代，“已婚婦女生育孩子的可能性也稍高一些，并且生育間隔的時間也最小化”（Horn, 5）。

兒童

Children worked the same 12-hour shifts that adults did but received a much lower pay (80% less than a male and 50% less than a female worker). Children, often as young as 5 but on average from 8 years old, had to perform specific tasks that adults could not, like hauling coal through narrow mine shafts or climbing under machines in factories to collect cotton waste. From 1800 to 1850, children composed between 20-50% of the mining workforce. In factories, children made up around one-third of the British workforce.

? ? ? ? ? 兒童的工作時間與成人相同，都是 12 小時輪班制，但工資卻低很多（比男工低 80%，比女工低 50%）。這些兒童通常只有 5 歲，但平均只有 8 歲，他們必須完成成人無法完成的特殊任務(wù)，如在狹窄的礦井中運煤，或爬到工廠的機器下收集棉花廢料。從 1800 年到 1850 年，兒童占采礦業(yè)勞動力的 20-50%。在工廠，兒童約占英國勞動力的三分之一。

Children were either sent directly by their parents or found work on their own. There was also a system similar to indenture where parents received money from their parish in return for apprenticing their children to a factory owner. The practice was common, and it was not until 1816 that a limit was put on how far away the children were required to work – 64 km (40 mi).

? ? ? ? ? 孩子們要么由父母直接送去，要么自己找工作。還有一種類似于契約的制度，即父母從教區(qū)領(lǐng)取錢款，作為回報，將子女交給工廠主當學徒。這種做法很普遍，直到 1816 年才對兒童工作的距離做出限制：64 公里（40 英里）。

In agriculture, children worked as they always had done, tending livestock and doing any menial task they were physically capable of. A development was the use of children in agricultural gangs, sent by their parish to perform seasonal tasks like helping with the harvest.

? ? ? ? ? ?在農(nóng)業(yè)領(lǐng)域，兒童一如既往地從事家畜飼養(yǎng)和體力勞動。有一種新的發(fā)展，教區(qū)派兒童組成農(nóng)業(yè)小組，執(zhí)行季節(jié)性任務(wù)，如幫助收割。

教育領(lǐng)域

The education of many children was replaced by a working day, a choice often made by parents to supplement a meagre family income. There were some rudimentary schools such as village affairs, local Sunday Schools, and (only from 1844) the Ragged Schools which focused on the three Rs: reading, writing, and arithmetic. Even the cheapest schools cost one penny a day, which was not an insignificant burden on a working family. The schoolteachers were of varying quality, too, and the classroom was usually overcrowded as the teacher's only income was the fee from parents and so they were tempted to enroll as many pupils as space allowed.

? ? ? ? ? 許多兒童的教育被工作日所取代，這通常是父母為了補貼微薄的家庭收入而做出的選擇。當時有一些初級學校，如鄉(xiāng)村事務(wù)學校、地方主日學校和（1844 年以后才出現(xiàn)的）以讀、寫、算（三R）為重點的基礎(chǔ)學校。即使是最便宜的學校，每天的學費也是一便士，這對一個工薪家庭來說是一個不小的負擔。學校教師的素質(zhì)也參差不齊，教室里通常人滿為患，因為教師的唯一收入就是從家長那里收取的學費，所以他們會在空間允許的情況下招收盡可能多的學生。

Some employers did offer education to their child and adult workers to learn to read and write. Nevertheless, education certainly took a back seat to work: "at least half of nominally school-age children worked full-time during the industrial revolution" (Horn, 57). Compulsory education for 5-to-12-year-olds and the institutions necessary to provide it would not come along until the 1870s. Literacy rates did improve in the 19th century, a development helped by the availability of cheap books made possible by economies of scale from papermaking machines and printing presses. The ability to write allowed people to take advantage of the cheap penny post system from 1840. Reading was also encouraged by the availability of cheap daily newspapers in the latter part of the 19th century.

? ? ? ? ? 一些雇主確實為兒童和成年工人提供了學習讀寫的機會。盡管如此，教育在工作中肯定是次要的， “在工業(yè)革命期間，至少有一半名義上的學齡兒童從事全職工作”（Horn, 57）。5 至 12 歲兒童的義務(wù)教育以及提供義務(wù)教育所需的機構(gòu)直到 19 世紀 70 年代才出現(xiàn)。識字率在 19 世紀確實有所提高，這得益于造紙機和印刷機帶來的規(guī)模經(jīng)濟效益，廉價書籍的出現(xiàn)使識字率得以提高。書寫能力使人們從 1840 年起可以利用廉價的便士郵政系統(tǒng)。19 世紀后半期，廉價日報的出現(xiàn)也鼓勵了人們閱讀。

下層階級、中層階級和上層階級

For the rich and powerful, land ownership, just as it always had been, remained a defining characteristic of society's elite. By 1876, a staggering 95% of the population did not own any land so, if anything, this group of great landowners became more concentrated than ever. However, there was another defining characteristic of the elite that joined land during the Industrial Revolution: capital. The very wealthy remained wealthy by investing in businesses directly, funding start-ups and inventors with loans in return for a future share of any profits, and buying shares in canal, railway, and shipbuilding companies. Private banks were a feature of a new and more prominent financial sector that helped those with money earn more of it.

? ? ? ? ? 對于富人和權(quán)貴來說，土地所有權(quán)一如既往，仍然是社會精英的決定性特征。，令人震驚的是，到 1876 年，95% 的人口沒有土地，因此，大地主集團比以往任何時候都更加集中。然而，在工業(yè)革命期間，除了土地之外，精英階層還有另一個決定性特征：資本。富豪們通過直接投資企業(yè)、為新創(chuàng)企業(yè)和發(fā)明家提供貸款以換取未來的利潤分成，以及購買運河、鐵路和造船公司的股份來保持財富。私人銀行是一個新的、更重要的金融部門，幫助有錢人賺取更多的錢。

Below the landowners and wealthy capitalist investors, there were the business owners who were given great power by the government's distinct lack of intervention in their affairs. Even when laws were finally passed from the 1830s that limited business owners, the consequent restrictions on working hours and health and safety regulations were rarely enforced due to a chronic lack of inspectors. There was no minimum wage, salaries were not related to inflation, and employees faced the ever-present threat of instant dismissal. In short, owners became richer while workers worked harder than ever and yet became relatively poorer.

? ? ? ? ? 在土地所有者和富有的資本主義投資者之下，還有企業(yè)主，他們因政府對其事務(wù)明顯缺乏干預而獲得了巨大的權(quán)力。即使從 19 世紀 30 年代起最終通過了限制企業(yè)主的法律，但由于長期缺乏檢查人員，因此對工作時間以及健康和安全規(guī)定的限制很少得到執(zhí)行。沒有最低工資，工資與通貨膨脹無關(guān)，雇員隨時面臨被立即解雇的威脅。簡而言之，企業(yè)主變得更加富有，而工人卻比以往任何時候都更加努力工作，但卻相對更加貧窮。

The gulf between those at the bottom and the top widened. Factory workers, for example, had few transferable skills, and so they were stuck at their level of work. In the past, a handweaver might have saved, perhaps over many years, to form their own business with their own employees, but that method of climbing the social ladder now became much more difficult to access. To compete with larger factories, a serious investment in machinery was required that was far beyond the capabilities of the working class. Small farmers were another group that diminished as land rents increased and mechanisation favoured economies of scale so that individual farms became larger and fewer.

? ? ? ? ? 底層和上層之間的差距不斷擴大。例如，工廠工人幾乎沒有可轉(zhuǎn)變的技能，因此他們只能從事本職工作。在過去，手工編織者或許可以通過多年的積蓄，與自己的員工一起創(chuàng)建自己的企業(yè)，但現(xiàn)在這種攀登社會階梯的方式變得更加困難。要想與大型工廠競爭，就必須對機器進行大量投資，而這遠遠超出了工人階級的能力范圍。隨著地租的增加和機械化帶來的規(guī)模經(jīng)濟，個體農(nóng)場的規(guī)模越來越大，數(shù)量越來越少，小農(nóng)場主是另一個逐漸減少的群體。

There was the possibility of rising through access to education, but this required an investment that few had. Apprenticeships continued to be a way for children to gain better employment than that of their parents, but again, with a hefty fee required up front and several years of unpaid work and study after, not everyone could follow this route. Some, like the multiple mill owner Robert Owen (1771-1858), did rise from the position of a lowly apprentice to become a great industrialist, but these were the exceptions that proved the rule. It is also notable that the majority of the inventors during the Industrial Revolution had received a good education, more often than not up to university level.

? ? ? ? ? ?通過接受教育有可能得到提升，但這需要投資，而投資的人很少。學徒制仍然是孩子們獲得比父母更好工作的一種途徑，但同樣，由于需要先支付高昂的費用，之后還要進行幾年的無償工作和學習，并不是每個人都能走這條路。有些人，比如擁有幾家工廠的羅伯特·歐文（Robert Owen，1771-1858），從學徒成長為偉大的實業(yè)家，但他們是證實了這一規(guī)則的例外。同樣值得注意的是，工業(yè)革命時期的大多數(shù)發(fā)明家都接受過良好的教育，通常達到了大學水平。

One's profession and social status certainly had a direct relation to one's health during the Industrial Revolution. In 1842, a doctor in Leeds, Dr Holland, collated the life expectancy of different societal groups. He found that the average life expectancy of manufacturers and the upper classes was 44 compared to 27 for shopkeepers and just 19 for labourers – lower than it had ever been.

? ? ? ? ? ?在工業(yè)革命時期，一個人的職業(yè)和社會地位無疑與他的健康有著直接的關(guān)系。1842 年，利茲的一位醫(yī)生霍蘭德博士比較了不同社會群體的預期壽命。他發(fā)現(xiàn)，制造商和上層階級的平均預期壽命為 44 歲，而店主的平均預期壽命為 27 歲，工人的平均預期壽命僅為 19 歲，比以往任何時候都要低。

An urban middle class grew up – around 25% of the population by 1800 – but many moved out of the increasingly cramped and dirty inner cities to new properties in the suburbs, often with a garden. Such professionals as engineers, scientists, lawyers, and so on could afford to keep servants to look after their children, keep the home tidy, and cook meals. The middle classes bought goods from new and elegant shops like the showroom of Josiah Wedgwood (1730-1795) in London. From the 1810s, new street lighting using coal gas made the streets safer to frequent at night, and so restaurants, theatres, and other entertainment establishments flourished. The middle classes, and the more prosperous shopkeepers and artisans, could afford to send their children to school or employ a private tutor.

? ? ? ? ? 城市中產(chǎn)階級逐漸壯大，到 1800 年約占總?cè)丝诘?25%，但許多人搬離了日益擁擠和骯臟的內(nèi)城，在郊區(qū)購置了新房，通常還帶有花園。工程師、科學家、律師等專業(yè)人士有能力雇傭仆人照看孩子、打理家務(wù)和做飯。中產(chǎn)階級從新開的高雅商店購買商品，如倫敦喬賽亞·韋奇伍德（Josiah Wedgwood，1730-1795 年）的商店。從 19 世紀 10 年代起，使用煤氣的新型街道照明設(shè)備使夜晚的街道更加安全，因此餐館、劇院和其他娛樂場所蓬勃發(fā)展。中產(chǎn)階級以及較富裕的店主和工匠有能力送子女上學或聘請私人教師。

The dawn of the Victorian period, from 1837, witnessed a strong upper- and middle-class public support for 'improving' the poorer classes by having them work harder and live 'cleaner' lives. Indeed, this often-condescending moralism had begun earlier with the start of the Sunday school movement in 1780 and the Sunday School Society in 1785. There was a close link between religion and philanthropy since the majority of social reformers were Nonconformist Christians. In 1811, the National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor was formed. This society and other similar philanthropic organisations demonstrate that there was a reaction of some sort by the middle classes, intellectuals, and artists against the indiscriminate use of labour in this new industrialised world of factories and overcrowded cities. ?

? ? ? ? ? 自 1837 年維多利亞時期開始，中上層階級公眾大力支持“改善”貧困階層，讓他們更加努力地工作，過上“更清潔”的生活。事實上，這種常常是居高臨下的道德主義早在 1780 年的主日學校運動和 1785 年的主日學校協(xié)會就已開始。宗教與慈善事業(yè)之間有著密切的聯(lián)系，因為大多數(shù)社會改革者都是非教會基督徒。1811 年，全國促進窮人教育協(xié)會成立。該協(xié)會和其他類似的慈善組織表明，中產(chǎn)階級、知識分子和藝術(shù)家對在工廠林立、人滿為患的新工業(yè)化世界中濫用勞動力做出了某種反應(yīng)。

The standard of living did rise for most people during the Industrial Revolution, on average by around 30%, but only from the 1830s was this the experience of the lower classes. The situation of the poorest was made visible to the rest of the population through the growing interest in newspapers, pamphlets, and literature. Art such as Joshua Reynolds' The Age of Innocence (1788) and Charles Dickens' Oliver Twist (1837) helped to foster a new belief that children should be protected and poor adults should be given opportunities to better themselves or at least the lives of their children. Unfortunately, the reforms, investments, and institutions necessary to achieve this betterment would not be in place and effective until after the Industrial Revolution had passed.

? ? ? ? ? 在工業(yè)革命期間，大多數(shù)人的生活水平確實提高了，平均提高了約 30%，但只有從 19 世紀 30 年代開始，下層階級的生活水平才有所提高。隨著人們對報紙、小冊子和文學作品的興趣與日俱增，最貧窮者的境況被其他人群所了解。約書亞·雷諾茲（Joshua Reynolds）的《純真年代》（1788 年）和查爾斯·狄更斯（Charles Dickens）的《霧都孤兒》（1837 年）等藝術(shù)作品幫助人們形成了一種新的信念，即兒童應(yīng)該受到保護，貧窮的成年人應(yīng)該有機會改善自己的生活，或至少改善其子女的生活。遺憾的是，實現(xiàn)這種改善所需的改革、投資和制度要到工業(yè)革命結(jié)束后才到位和生效。

參考書目：??

Allen, Robert C. The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective . Cambridge University Press, 2009.

Armstrong, Benjamin. Britain 1783-1885. Hodder Education, 2020.

Corey, Melinda & Ochoa, George. The Encyclopedia of the Victorian World. Henry Holt & Co, 1996.

Hepplewhite, Peter. All About. Wayland, 2016.

Horn, Jeff. The Industrial Revolution . Greenwood, 2007.

Humphries, Jane. Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution . Cambridge University Press, 2011.

Shelley et al. Industrialisation and Social Change in Britian. PEARSON SCHOOLS, 2016.

Yorke, Stan. The Industrial Revolution Explained. Countryside Books, 2005.

原文作者：Mark Cartwright

????????? 駐意大利的歷史作家。他的主要興趣包括陶瓷、建筑、世界神話和發(fā)現(xiàn)所有文明的共同思想。他擁有政治哲學碩士學位，是《世界歷史百科全書》的出版總監(jiān)。

原文網(wǎng)址: https://www.worldhistory.org/article/2229/social-change-in-the-british-industrial-revolution/