作者：John Haldon約翰·哈爾頓

出版商：Routledge Taylor & Francis Group

自翻：流瀲紫琳

Pre-emptive attacks

先發(fā)制人的攻擊

????????? Part of the imperial defensive strategy entailed launching pre-emptive strikes against the enemy, partly aimed at containment, partly at the reassertion of Roman ideological power. Some of these attacks were successful, some less so. Among the bleakest episodes in the history of the empire is the attack launched against the Bulgars by the Emperor Nikephoros 1 in 811, which ended in both the death of the Emperor and a crushing defeat. Nikephoros, who had been the chief finance officer of the empress Eirene, came to the throne in 802 and appears to have wished to defeat the Bulgars so comprehensively that the Bulgar khanate could he recovered for the empire.An expedition in 809 had reached the Bulgar capital at Pliska in north-east Bulgaria, and sacked it. The expedition of 811 was intended to establish a more permanent Roman presence in the region. Nikephoros ordered the assembly of a large force made up from contingents from the Asia Minor armies supplemented by troops from the European themata and the imperial guards units, the tagmata. There was a ceremonial aspect to the whole affair, since the Emperor took victory for granted after the easy win in 809, and as well as the soldiers a large number of courtiers and palace officials also accompanied the expedition. But the imperial troops were eventually drawn into an ambush, where during a night attack they were utterly routed. The defeat was one of the blackest days of imperial history, no Less of a catastrophe than the battle of Adrianople in 378 at which the Emperor Valens had died fighting the Goths. The Bulgar khan became the most dangerous enemy the empire had to face for the next few years, and was able to lay siege to Constantinople itself in 813.

? （帝國防御戰(zhàn)略的一部分包括對敵人發(fā)動先發(fā)制人的打擊，部分目的是遏制，部分目的是重新確立羅馬的意識形態(tài)力量。這些攻擊有些是成功的，有些則不然。 帝國歷史上最慘淡的事件之一是 811 年尼基弗魯斯一世皇帝對保加利亞人發(fā)動的襲擊，以皇帝的死和慘敗告終。802 年，曾擔任艾琳女皇首席財務官的尼基弗魯斯即位，他似乎希望全面擊敗保加利亞人，以至于他可以為帝國收復保加利亞汗國。公元 809 年，一支遠征隊抵達保加利亞東北部普利斯卡的保加利亞首都，并將其洗劫一空。811 遠征的目的是在該地區(qū)建立更持久的羅馬存在。尼基弗魯斯下令集結(jié)一支由小亞細亞軍隊的特遣隊組成的大部隊，輔以來自歐洲軍區(qū)和皇家衛(wèi)隊的泰斯馬塔部隊。整個事件是有儀式感的，因為在809年輕松獲勝后，皇帝認為勝利是理所當然的，除了士兵之外，還有一大批朝臣和宮廷官員也隨行。但帝國軍隊最終陷入伏擊，在夜間襲擊中被徹底擊潰。這次失敗是帝國歷史上最黑暗的日子之一，與 378 年的阿德里安堡之戰(zhàn)一樣，是一場災難，瓦倫斯皇帝在與哥特人的戰(zhàn)斗中喪生。保加利亞可汗成為帝國接下來幾年必須面對的最危險的敵人，并于 813 年圍攻君士坦丁堡。）

?

Offensive warfare

進攻戰(zhàn)

????????? Given the empire's strategic problems noted already, most fighting could be justified in some way or other as 'defensive', even where it was clearly aggressively motivated. Such were the wars waged in the later 10th and early 11th centuries against the Bulgars and the Rus', for example, when the justification for war was both the rejection of previously agreed arrangements which were seen by the Emperor as dishonourable, the threat which ensued from the Bulgars to the imperial territories in Thrace, and the involvement of the Rus'. In the autumn of 965, and following the conquest by Byzantine armies of the islands of Crete and Cyprus, as well as of Cilicia in southern Asia Minor arid its incorporation into the empire, Bulgarian envoys arrived at the court of the Emperor. Their purpose was to request the payment of the 'tribute' paid by Constantinople to the Bulgar tsar as part of the guarantee for the long-lasting peace which had been established after the death of the Tsar Symeon in 927. But the empire was in a very different position since the time at which the original agreement had been made. The Emperor Nikephoros 11 Phokas (963-69), reflecting the outrage represented by the presumptive demand of the Bulgarians, had the envoys sent home in disgrace. Instead of paying, he despatched a small force to demolish a number of Bulgarian frontier posts, and then called in his allies to the north, the Kiev Rus', to attack the Bulgars in the rear.

（鑒于帝國已經(jīng)注意到的戰(zhàn)略問題，大多數(shù)戰(zhàn)斗都可以以某種方式被證明為“防御性”，即使它顯然是出于積極的動機。這就是 10 世紀后期和 11 世紀初期對保加利亞人和羅斯人發(fā)動的戰(zhàn)爭，例如，當戰(zhàn)爭的理由既是拒絕先前同意的被皇帝視為不光彩的安排時，隨之而來的威脅 從保加利亞人到色雷斯的帝國領土，以及羅斯人的參與。965 年秋，在拜占庭軍隊征服克里特島和塞浦路斯島以及小亞細亞南部的西里西亞并將其并入帝國之后，保加利亞使節(jié)來到了皇帝的宮廷。 他們的目的是要求支付君士坦丁堡向保加利亞沙皇支付的“貢品”，作為對 927 年沙皇西緬去世后建立的持久和平的保證的一部分。與最初的協(xié)議達成之時的立場截然不同。尼基弗羅斯 11 ?？ㄋ够实?/span> (963-69) 反映了保加利亞人的推定要求所代表的憤怒，讓使節(jié)蒙羞地被遣送回家。他沒有付錢，而是派遣了一支小部隊摧毀了一些保加利亞邊境哨所，然后召集他的北方盟友基輔羅斯進攻后方的保加利亞人。）

????????? The steppe region stretching from the plain of Hungary eastwards through south Russia and north of the Caspian was very important in imperial diplomacy. The home of many nomadic peoples, mostly of Turkic stock, it was always important to keep these peoples well disposed towards the empire. Constantinople had been able to establish good relations with the Chazars from the 630s, whose khans remained faithful allies of most Byzantine Emperors. Their strategic significance was great: they were frequently invited to attack the Bulgars from the north, for example, and exerted crucial pressure on the latter at key moments. They also kept the empire informed of developments to the east, in central Asia. But the Chazar empire contracted during the later 9th century, as various peoples to the east were set in motion by the expansion of the Turkic Pechenegs, who established themselves in the steppe region between the Danube and Don. The empire continued to follow the same policy, of course, now with the Pechenegs, whose value as a check on both the Rus' and the Magyars was obvious. Yet they were a dangerous ally.

（從匈牙利平原向東延伸到俄羅斯南部和里海以北的草原地區(qū)在帝國外交中非常重要。許多游牧民族的家園，主要是突厥血統(tǒng)，讓這些民族對帝國保持良好的態(tài)度總是很重要的。從 630 年代起，君士坦丁堡就能夠與查扎爾建立良好關系，查扎爾的可汗仍然是大多數(shù)拜占庭皇帝的忠實盟友。他們的戰(zhàn)略意義重大：他們經(jīng)常被邀請從北方進攻保加利亞人，并在關鍵時刻對后者施加關鍵壓力。 他們還向帝國通報東方、中亞的發(fā)展情況。但查扎爾帝國在 9 世紀后期收縮，因為突厥佩切涅格人在多瑙河和頓河之間的草原地區(qū)建立了自己的擴張，從而推動了東方的各個民族。帝國繼續(xù)遵循同樣的政策，當然，現(xiàn)在對佩切涅格人來說，他們作為對羅斯和馬扎爾人的制衡的價值是顯而易見的。然而，他們是一個危險的盟友。）

????????? The Rus' were an amalgamation of Scandinavian settlers and warriors with indigenous Slavic peoples along the rivers of central and western Russia. During the 9th century they had grown to be an important political power, and by the 850s and 860s their Longships were regularly entering the Black Sea. In the early 10th century, and following some hostilities, trading agreements were concluded with the empire. This developed into an alliance from the middle of the 10th century, so that when Nikephoros II asked for their support in 966, their ambitious and warlike prince Svyatoslav was only too willing to agree. in 968 he arrived on the Danube and easily defeated the Bulgarian forces sent against him. in 969 he had to return to Kiev to repulse an attack from the Pechenegs, but returned later in the year and, rapidly occupying northern and eastern Bulgaria, he deposed the tsar, Boris 11, and incorporated Bulgaria into his own domain.

（羅斯人是斯堪的納維亞定居者和戰(zhàn)士與俄羅斯中部和西部河流沿岸的土著斯拉夫民族的混合體。在 9 世紀，他們已經(jīng)成長為一個重要的政治力量，到了 850 和 860 年代，他們的維京長船定期進入黑海。在 10 世紀初，在一些敵對行動之后，與帝國簽訂了貿(mào)易協(xié)議。這從 10 世紀中葉發(fā)展成為聯(lián)盟，因此當尼基弗魯斯二世在 966 年請求他們的支持時，他們雄心勃勃且好戰(zhàn)的王子斯維亞托斯拉夫非常愿意同意。968年，他抵達多瑙河，輕松擊敗了保加利亞派來反對他的軍隊。969 年，他不得不返回基輔以擊退佩切涅格人的進攻，但在當年晚些時候返回并迅速占領了保加利亞北部和東部，廢黜了沙皇鮑里斯 11世，并將保加利亞并入他的領土。）

????????? This was not a part of the Emperor's original plan. In vain he attempted to establish an alliance with the defeated Bulgars, but towards the end of 969 the Emperor was assassinated, and his successor, John 1 Tzimiskes, had to confront the difficult task of removing this potentially far more dangerous foe. Some of the Bulgar nobility saw a chance to recover their independence of the Byzantine state and its culture by working with the Rus'. Svyatoslav sent the new Emperor an ultimatum to evacuate all the European provinces and confine the empire to Asia alone, who realised that immediate action was essential. In the spring of 970 a large Rus' force invaded Thrace, sacking the fortress of Philippoupolis (mod. Plovdiv) and moving on down the road to Constantinople.

（這不是皇帝最初計劃的一部分。他試圖與戰(zhàn)敗的保加利亞人建立聯(lián)盟，但徒勞無功，但在 969 年底皇帝被暗殺，他的繼任者約翰一世 (John 1 Tzimiskes) 不得不面臨鏟除這個潛在的危險得多的敵人的艱巨任務。 一些保加利亞貴族看到了通過與羅斯合作來恢復他們對拜占庭國家及其文化的獨立性的機會。 斯維亞托斯拉夫向新皇帝發(fā)出最后通牒，要求撤離所有歐洲省份并將帝國僅局限于亞洲，他意識到立即采取行動至關重要。970 年春天，一支龐大的羅斯軍隊入侵了色雷斯，洗劫了菲利普波利斯的堡壘（普羅夫迪夫），并沿著通往君士坦丁堡的道路前進。）

????????? The war that followed involved the assembling of a major imperial army, delaying tactics to distract and divert enemy resources and, eventually, the complete defeat of the Rus' force and the return of Svyatoslav to his own territories (although he was killed by Pecheneg raiders on the way home). It was a war fought initially as a result of a rejection of what the empire's rulers saw as an outdated and humiliating agreement with an inferior neighbour, but which quickly turned into a major offensive. The result was, on the one hand, the reincorporation of substantial parts of eastern Bulgaria up to the Danube into imperial territory. On the other, the Byzantine victory encouraged the development of a new independence movement and the rise, during the 970s and 980s, of a new Bulgarian empire which, under its tsar Samuel, was to be the major foreign threat to imperial power until the beginning of the 11th century. Only as a result of the tireless campaigning of the Emperor Basil 11, culminating in a final victory in 1014 and the total recovery of all the territory once held by the empire in the Balkans up to the Danube, was peace re-established, and the Balkans became once more an entirely Roman - from the point of view of political and military control - territory.

（隨后的戰(zhàn)爭包括集結(jié)一支主要的帝國軍隊，拖延戰(zhàn)術以分散和轉(zhuǎn)移敵人的資源，最終，羅斯軍隊徹底失敗，斯維亞托斯拉夫返回了他自己的領土(盡管他在回家的路上被Pecheneg的襲擊者殺死)。這場戰(zhàn)爭最初是由于帝國統(tǒng)治者拒絕了與一個次等鄰國簽訂的過時且屈辱的協(xié)議，但很快就演變成了一場重大進攻。結(jié)果是，一方面，保加利亞東部直到多瑙河的大部分地區(qū)重新并入帝國領土。另一方面，拜占庭的勝利鼓勵了一場新的獨立運動的發(fā)展，在970和980年代，一個新的保加利亞帝國的崛起，在其沙皇塞繆爾的領導下，直到11世紀初，它一直是皇權的主要外來威脅。只有在巴茲爾皇帝不知疲倦的戰(zhàn)斗中，終于在1014年取得了最后的勝利，完全收復了巴爾干半島直到多瑙河的所有領土，和平才得以恢復。從政治和軍事控制的角度來看，巴爾干半島再次成為羅馬人的領土。）

????????? A major shift in strategy followed these successes as well as successes against Islamic powers in the east. The establishment of a system of alliances or buffer states made the maintenance of expensive standing forces, which constituted a great drain on the treasury, less necessary. Economic and cultural influence could be employed in addition to the threat of military action to maintain peace along the Danube, and similar policies were applied in the east. The Emperors pursued a foreign policy which placed greater reliance on vassals and neighbouring powers supplying troops, thus limiting the demand on the empire's own resources. But in the 1040s and afterwards this strategy broke down, largely because the balance between diplomacy and military strength was damaged by civil war and provincial rebellion, in turn a reflection of important shifts in the social and political structure of the empire. The provincial or thematic militias had been neglected in favour of full-time, regionally recruited tagmata, better suited to the sort of offensive warfare the empire had been waging since the 950s; while reductions in the military budget encouraged a greater dependence on foreign mercenary troops, especially of western knights - Franks, Germans and Normans. In 1071 such an army of mixed Byzantine and foreign troops under the Emperor Romanos IV suffered a defeat at the hands of the invading Seljuk Turks near the fortress of Mantzikert in eastern Asia Minor not a great disaster from a purely military perspective. Yet the civil war and internal disruption that followed gave the invading Turks a free hand in central Asia Minor, which was never again fully recovered. Emperors from Alexios I onward spent the period from the 1080s until the 1180s attempting to recover the situation but, in the end, without success. The wars of the period were fought increasingly using western tactics and panoply, but with elements of a still clearly Byzantine or east Roman tactical organisation - contemporaries continue to remark on the order, cohesion and discipline with which the multi-ethnic and colourful Byzantine armies still fought.

（在取得這些成功以及對抗東方伊斯蘭勢力的成功之后，戰(zhàn)略發(fā)生了重大轉(zhuǎn)變。 建立聯(lián)盟或緩沖國家體系使得維持昂貴的常備部隊變得沒有必要，這對國庫造成了巨大的消耗。除了軍事行動的威脅外，還可以利用經(jīng)濟和文化影響來維持多瑙河沿岸的和平，并且在東部也采用了類似的政策?；实鄯钚械耐饨徽吒右蕾嚫接购袜弴峁┸婈?，從而限制了對帝國自身資源的需求。但在 1040 年代及之后，這一戰(zhàn)略失敗了，主要是因為內(nèi)戰(zhàn)和省叛亂破壞了外交和軍事力量之間的平衡，這反過來又反映了帝國社會和政治結(jié)構的重要轉(zhuǎn)變。省級或?qū)ｎ}民兵被忽視，取而代之的是全職、地區(qū)招募的塔格馬塔，更適合帝國自 950 年代以來發(fā)動的那種進攻性戰(zhàn)爭；而軍事預算的減少鼓勵了對外國雇傭軍的更大依賴，尤其是西方騎士——法蘭克人、德國人和諾曼人。1071 年，羅馬諾斯四世 (Romanos IV) 領導下的一支由拜占庭和外國軍隊混合組成的軍隊在小亞細亞東部的曼茨克特堡壘附近被入侵的塞爾柱土耳其人擊敗，從純粹的軍事角度來看，這并不是一場大災難。然而，隨之而來的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)和內(nèi)部混亂讓入侵的土耳其人在小亞細亞中部放開了手，小亞細亞再也沒有完全恢復。從 1080 年代到 1180 年代，阿萊克修斯一世之后的皇帝試圖恢復局勢，但最終沒有成功。這一時期的戰(zhàn)爭越來越多地使用西方戰(zhàn)術和全副武裝，但仍帶有明顯的拜占庭或東羅馬戰(zhàn)術組織的元素——同時代人繼續(xù)評論多民族和色彩繽紛的拜占庭軍隊的秩序、凝聚力和紀律戰(zhàn)斗了。）

????????? Byzantium went to war for many reasons in practical terms - perceived military threats to the frontier, responses to actual invasion and raiding from hostile neighbours, as well as ideologically motivated wars in which justification depended on notions of what territories used to be Roman and could be legitimately recovered, and on ideas about ideological challenges to the Christian Roman world view. The wars of reconquest in the later 10th century were in part motivated and justified on the latter grounds, for example, even though in Byzantium no notion of 'holy war' as such ever really evolved.

（實際上，拜占庭因許多原因參戰(zhàn)——感知到對邊境的軍事威脅、對敵對鄰國的實際入侵和襲擊的反應，以及出于意識形態(tài)動機的戰(zhàn)爭，其中的正當性取決于哪些領土曾經(jīng)是羅馬和可能是羅馬的概念。合法地恢復，以及關于對基督教羅馬世界觀的意識形態(tài)挑戰(zhàn)的想法。例如，10 世紀后期的收復戰(zhàn)爭部分是出于后一種理由的，盡管在拜占庭并沒有真正發(fā)展出“圣戰(zhàn)”的概念。）

未完待續(xù)